The ‘Seven Beards’ left the fourth one
Su Xiaokang
October13, 2025
[Note: At 6 a.m. this morning, Wang Dan texted: “Lao Wan is gone”; Actually, three days ago, Yan Jiaqi called me from Paris: “Wan Runnan is already in the hospital. I went to see him, and I saw the corner of his mouth twitch, but he didn’t open his eyes. He didn’t know it was me.” I said, ‘It’ll probably be just a few days. He’s the fourth of the seven of us to leave, leaving you, Jun Tao, and me.’ After the June Fourth massacre, Wan Runnan, the boss of ‘Sitong,’ went into exile in Paris, founded the Civil Human Rights Front, and served as secretary-general. Yen Chia-chi, Chen Yi-chi, and I were all directors. This exiled organization lasted only two years, showing that opposition movements by ‘elites within the system’ are hard to succeed, which is also an experience. So what about those outside the system? How many more years will it take to experiment? Fortunately, my exile book has recently included some records about the ‘Seven Beards’ in my recent book, ‘Rain Smoke, Snow, Salt,’ so I’m sharing them here. 】
Three events occurred in 2014, all related to seven intellectuals wanted by the CCP in 1989: Chen Yizi died in California, Chen Ziming was undergoing cancer treatment in Boston, and Manrun Nan left the US to return to France.
Commonly known as the ‘Black Hand,’ in CCP language as ‘the bearded man,’ where it originates is unknown, but it is said that this list was produced at the Politburo Standing Committee, which makes me question the judgment of these elderly people, because the combined influence of these seven people on the student movement in the square probably does not match that of Zheng Yi and his Jin army.
1. The debate between Chen and Wan is nothing more than a battle over paths
In the spring of 2014, Chen Yizi passed away at the age of seventy-three. I wrote an article to commemorate him:
‘Chen Yizi sees through this cancer of pre-modern China, which is also the party’s fatal flaw: the countryside is in ruins, and farmers live worse than pigs and dogs. Deng Xiaoping wanted to carry out reforms and establish his own authority. Chen Yizi’s opportunity came. He told them a secret: return the land to farmers to cultivate themselves, and the countryside will be revived. Only then will China have a minimum starting point for development. This move turned the CCP’s weak spot into an opportunity, solving a fundamental problem in one stroke, achieving a great effect. It was the only successful part of Deng’s reforms and laid the foundation for China’s economic takeoff after June 4th. Chen Yizi also leveraged the Communist Party’s legitimacy crisis to achieve his ideals.’
However, Chen Yizi was not trusted at the decision-making center and was soon neglected. He himself was tainted with official arrogance and bad habits, and his condition worsened in exile. The iron law that absolute power is absolute corruption prevailed among exiles.
Chen Yi-Tzu first fought in Paris with Wan Run-nan for leadership of the Civil Human Rights Front. When I was rescued by the ‘Yellow Sparrow Operation’ and brought to Hong Kong, the Civil Human Rights Front was already preparing in Paris. Man Run-nan asked Pastor Chu Yao-ming to ‘send Su Xiaokang over immediately. We’re still waiting for him to draft the ‘Civil Human Rights Front Manifesto.’ When I flew to Paris, the first scene I encountered was in a room with only Chen and Wan and me. Chen Yi-Chi said:
“In front of Su Xiaokang, I solemnly tell you, the future Civil Front belongs to me!”
“Alright, then let’s wait and see what …… is.”
Wan Runnan replied with a cold laugh.
Chen Yizi couldn’t compete with Wan Runnan. He left Paris for Princeton, where he founded and managed his own ‘Contemporary China Research Center’ for decades until his death. There are quite a few stories about it, and I know a little, but the context is vague, because the backgrounds of those around Chen Yizi are all ambiguous.
Wan Runnan from ‘Seven Beards’ is said to be the most shrewd. Of course, he graduated from Tsinghua University and once married the fallen princess Liu Tao, so he understands politics. Plus, during the open era, he ran the ‘Four Links’ and was China’s earliest private entrepreneur. If it weren’t for June 4th, he could have stood above Jack Ma and Pony Ma to become China’s richest man. So after going into exile overseas, he led the China Democracy Front. Chen Yizi competed with him, but in reality, he ran the democracy movement as a company, while Chen operated as a think tank. Both were unlikely to succeed. Later, Wang Juntao continued by forming a party, which I will discuss later.
2. The Democratic Movement Atmosphere
The Wanrun South movement was a complete failure. The ‘Paris Civil Front later disappeared,’ but I saw its last trace before the accident. In my diary entry ‘2/5/93’
:‘The Civil Human Rights Front and Democratic League held a merger meeting in Washington. Chen Kuide, Su Wei, Zheng Yi, Bin Yan, and Beiming arrived in a car that night. I heard the atmosphere was tense, with some people pulling dirty tricks. Xu Bangtai and Zhu Jiaming had already clearly advised Wang Ruowang to withdraw from the chairmanship election, Wan Runnan also advocated for Wang to withdraw, and Hu Ping said he couldn’t form an alliance with Wan. I had no idea what they meant and wasn’t interested. The next day, he attended the opening ceremony, all official articles, just routine. When it was Liu Bin-yan’s turn to speak as a distinguished guest, he immediately said that the overseas pro-democracy movement was unhealthy, making him afraid to speak. He nearly choked up at this point, and called on everyone to show their conscience (I absolutely dislike talking about conscience to others, because if conscience isn’t discovered in your heart but is just spoken about all day, it hardly counts as conscience). Then she made a sensational announcement: within twenty-four hours, a scandal will be announced to the world. This statement could only serve as a distraction for the conference. I stayed only one day before leaving, never expecting that more dramatic events would follow. Three days later, news broke that Wang Ruowang, Hu Ping, and Wan Runnan withdrew from the election. At the meeting, they cried and knelt. Qian Da angrily said, “We are all sons of the devil,” and he knelt before Wang Ruowang, as if acting; Hsu Pang-tai, Chu Chia-ming, and others endured humiliation to keep the meeting going, winning without opponents; Yan Jiaqi lost his composure and angrily criticized Wang Ruowang, saying ‘his political career is over.’ Zhang Boli, originally a member of the Wan faction, took advantage of the situation to ‘change stance’ and win the position of vice chairman, and so on. This situation shows that overseas pro-democracy movements have fallen to the level of gangs, with no more positive significance.’
Thepeople and details mentioned here don’t need to be paid attention to them; just look at one atmosphere, and I only left a sketch.
3. Pioneering Digital King
Before I had a car accident in the United States in 1993, I had visited Paris earlier this year. At that time, my only legal identity was as a French refugee, and my refugee passport needed to be renewed in Paris. Through this, I met many Chinese and French elderly friends, including Man Runnan. He lived on a small hill outside the northeast corner of Paris, in a towering building over ten stories high. He lived on the top floor, offering a panoramic view of the city. The sunset was a fantastic view. He told me the house was bought by an American friend in Paris and lent it to him. That time, I also met his current wife, Li Yu, whose father was Li Chang, the top leader of the Chinese Academy of Sciences known as the ‘Party Awakener.’
Man Runnan later stayed on the West Coast of the United States. What he did was unclear, but I only heard a rumor that he ran the stock business, lost everything during a financial crisis, and had to drive a taxi. Once, on the highway, he was squeezed by a truck and suffered a heart attack …….
At the turn of winter and spring in 2014, I had just returned to North America with Fu Li when a blizzard struck. Philadelphia saw seven to ten inches of snow, and the sound of snow rustling outside the window could be heard. During those days, Kyiv was also engulfed in flames. Just then, Yan Jiaqi called from Brooklyn saying that Man Run-nan had suddenly left San Francisco, where he had lived for over a decade, and returned to Paris to spend the rest of his life. Some said he hadn’t obtained U.S. citizenship.
With the advent of digital technology, the struggle between individuals and nations has spilled beyond the realm of politics. It’s no longer just about the concept of power (“authoritarianism,” “centralization”), and democratic systems can no longer be guaranteed. Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg admitted: “Many people enter the tech industry because they believe technology can bring decentralization and empower people. But with the rise of a handful of large tech companies and governments using technology to monitor their people, many now believe that technology only strengthens centralization, not decentralization.” (From ‘Ghost Pushes the Mill’).
“Sitong” was China’s earliest digital giant, and Manrun South was the “Digital King” of that era. After returning to Paris, he became quite active online, telling stories of Tsinghua and Sitong, and summarizing his life: “Success in youth, wings broken in middle age, old age among flowers”—returning to a garden villa in the outskirts of Paris, spending his days tending flowers and enjoying himself. He also reflects on his “digital history” and, as a veteran digital king, interprets today’s digital giant Huawei, maintaining his usual insight and humor
‘The problem Huawei currently faces is less about the U.S. containment of it and more about the fact that, in an environment like China—I can say it with certainty—it’s impossible not to cooperate with the security sector. This is especially true after the National Intelligence Act was passed in June 2017. As a leading telecommunications company, Huawei is bound to have its own ambitions by the CCP, although Ren Zhengfei has repeatedly denied this in public speeches.
4. Digital and Institutional Systems
‘If this is just speculation, I can reveal another piece of information: back then, Sitong was already approached by the security authorities. I remember very clearly. Usually, we would invite people from the (Haidian) District Government to dinner, but that time, it was the district government who invited us to dinner. In reality, it was the security department who asked the district government to come find us, and they made it very clear: the security department is sending people to Sitong Company, and you must cooperate. The reason is: because Sitong has many “foreign-related business,” they need to help “keep the seal tight” and “make fewer mistakes.” As for Huawei today, with its global presence, this is a great opportunity for intelligence work, and they can’t afford to give it up.
‘Back then, Sitong was already approached by the security department, and it was very clear: the security department wants to send people to Sitong Company, and you must cooperate.
‘On the other hand, China’s current ‘aristocratic politics’ also mean that no industry can develop independently of power. Behind the scenes were the shadows of power in telecommunications, oil, electricity, and later HNA and Anbang. In such an environment, is it even possible to “talk business while doing business”?’
Wan Runnan is in the United States and has no contact with me, but his son, Wan Fang, once came to Princeton to find Su Dan. From that child’s appearance, you could immediately see the shadow of his grandfather, Liu Shaoqi. I once asked him: Are you going back to the country to see your mother? He stubbornly said, “Once I earn money, I’ll bring my mom to America!”
Later, I heard that Wan Fang still returned to China to find his mother. Naturally, he had a powerful uncle like Liu Yuan, so he could easily enter the ‘Red Second Generation’ circle and make big money.
Source: Su Xiaokang’s Facebook