Activities of the Democratic Alliance during the ’89 Democracy Movement (Part 1).
Shortly after the “open letter” incident involving 33 signatures ended, a shocking and moving “1989 Democracy Movement” began in mainland China.
The “China Democratic Federation” and some other overseas brother pro-democracy organizations cooperated closely and tacitly with mainland China’s democratic forces throughout the entire “1989 Democratic Movement,” fully demonstrating their cooperation. Leveraging their natural, advantageous, and convenient conditions, on one hand, they promptly spread information from mainland China to the world, becoming key contacts and organizers of overseas support activities; on the other hand, they quickly spread overseas support messages to the mainland, powerfully boosting the morale of democratic forces within the mainland and promoting the development of the democratic movement. It was precisely through the joint efforts of the “China Democratic Federation,” other overseas brother pro-democracy organizations, and international news media that the “1989 Democracy Movement” developed characteristics distinct from previous democratic movements in mainland China. The “1989 Democracy Movement” was no longer isolated or closed; it had largely broken through the CCP’s blockade, making every process of its process the center of international attention.
The following will provide a general description of the overseas support activities from April 15 to July 1. Due to the frequent protests and demonstrations, some omissions are inevitable. It should also be noted that most of the following activities are actively participated by members of the “China Democratic Federation,” who play a key role in networking, promoting, and organizing amid the overwhelming support from overseas.
April 15: On the very day Hu Yaobang, former General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party who was ousted for opposing “bourgeois liberalization,” suddenly died of a heart attack, the student group “Chinese Association of Political Science and International Relations in the US,” which included several members of the “China Ethnic League,” sent a condolence telegram to mainland China, mourning his death with deep sorrow.
April 16: The ‘China Democratic Federation’ sent a condolence telegram mourning Hu Yaobang’s death and organized a delegation to Beijing to attend the memorial event, but was refused by the Chinese Consulate in New York.
April 18: Yu Dahai, Liu Xiaobo, Hu Ping, Chen Jun, Wu Mouren, Li Shaomin, and ten other scholars, poets, and writers based in the United States (including several members of the Democratic League) delivered “reform proposals” on the situation in mainland China and put forward five suggestions to the Communist Party of China: First, to seriously and comprehensively review the government’s decision-making mistakes in politics, economy, and culture over the past ten years of reform; 2. Peng Zhen, Wang Zhen, Hu Qiaomu, Bo Yibo, Deng Liqun, and others should be held accountable for persecuting intellectuals, urging them to resign in remorse, and also urging Zhao Ziyang, Li Peng, Deng Xiaoping, and Chen Yun to publicly admit their leadership mistakes; 3. Disclose the reasons and process that forced Hu Yaobang to step down to increase Party transparency; 4. Amend the Constitution and Abolish the Four Upholds; 5. Support and protect student movements, strictly prevent creating excuses to suppress students.
April 19: 1. Sixty-four students from the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor called the “Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress,” calling on the government to respect the Constitution and grant Beijing students the right to march. 2. Pennsylvania State University international students initiated a nationwide Chinese mainland student signature campaign, supporting Beijing students’ movement for democracy and freedom. 3. The Chinese student assembly at Columbia University issued a four-point statement strongly demanding that the mainland Chinese government acknowledge the mistakes of “opposing bourgeois liberalization” and rehabilitate Hu Yaobang and all victims, firmly support the mainland student movement, oppose violent repression, and call for press freedom.
April 20: The “China Democratic League” issued a statement on the situation in mainland China, expressing firm support for the mainland student movement, opposing the CCP’s violent suppression of students, and calling for democracy, freedom, and the lifting of newspaper and party bans. Hu Ping, chairman of the Democratic League; Ding Chu, standing committee member; Xue Wei, director of the Control Yuan Commission, among others, personally went to the Chinese Consulate in New York to submit the statement, but were refused.
April 21: 1. In San Francisco, more than ten mainland Chinese students, the Democratic League, and members of the China Democratic Party protested in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco, supporting the mainland’s democratic movement and demanding a group return to China, but were also refused by the consulate. 2. Fifty-eight international students and visiting scholars from the University of Michigan sent a telegram to the “Renmin University” expressing condolences for Hu Yaobang’s death and calling on the mainland Chinese government to respect human rights. 3. More than 200 international students, scholars, and their families from the University of Waterloo in Canada sent condolence telegrams to Hu Yaobang’s wife and expressed support for the democratic movement of Beijing students.
April 22: 1. The New York “Chinese Association,” “China Democratic League,” “China Democratic Party,” “Liaison Group for Promoting Chinese Democratic Parties,” and various sectors in New York gathered. Participants fully supported the democracy movement occurring in mainland China and strongly condemned the CCP’s reckless actions. 2. Ten mainland Chinese scholars, poets, and writers living in the US—Yu Dahai, Liu Xiaobo, Hu Ping, Cao Changqing, Chen Jun, and others—signed and issued an “Open Letter to Chinese University Students,” putting forward seven suggestions for the student movement in Beijing: (1) Consolidate the organizational connections already established during this activity, striving to carry out effective activities as a strong whole. (2) Put forward some of the most basic requirements and ensure they receive corresponding responses. In particular, the complete rejection of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement should be taken as a breakthrough. (3) Establish your own communications or publications and strengthen close ties with various news media. (4) Strengthen connections with workers, farmers, citizens, and intellectuals, and strive for their support and participation. (5) Maintain dialogue with the government. (6) Strive to implement freedom on campus. (7) Be ready at any time to use large sign-up registration events, class strikes, or other means to protect the personal safety and other rights of every participant. This letter was sent back to Beijing through special channels and posted on campus by students. 3. The Utah branch of the “China Democratic League” held symposiums at the University of Utah and Utah State University to analyze the political situation in mainland China and support Beijing university students. 4. Forty international students from Yale University signed a petition to Peking University students, supporting the student movement in Beijing and demanding that the government protect student rights, conduct dialogue, and give Hu Yaobang a fair evaluation.
April 23: More than twenty students from the University of Houston protested at the Chinese Consulate in Houston, calling on U.S. President Bush and the American people to pay attention to human rights in mainland China.
April 24: International students from mainland China at Iowa State University gathered in support of the student movement for democracy and freedom, and the meeting adopted a statement.
April 25: Over eighty international students gathered on the Caltech campus and issued four statements condemning the CCP’s authoritarian rule and calling for democracy and freedom.
April 26: In Boston, Dallas, and Atlanta, international students gathered and issued statements.
April 28: 1. Under the organization of the “China Democratic League” and the “North American Branch of the China Democratic Students’ Federation,” more than sixty international students from the New York area went to the Chinese Consulate General in New York to demonstrate. Democratic League members Hu Ping, Xue Wei, Guo Cheng, Yang Huaian, Gao Gewen, Yang Manke, and Zhang Baoluo each delivered passionate speeches. At the rally, students angrily tore up the overseas edition of the April 26 editorial from People’s Daily titled “We Must Clearly Oppose the Unrest,” and issued four statements: (1) Firmly support the student movement and oppose the suppression of student movements; (2) Require recognition of the legality of independent publications by Beijing university students; (3) Organizations that require recognition of the independence and freedom of Beijing university students; (4) Request the reinstatement of Qin Benli, editor-in-chief of Shanghai World Economic Herald, and the dissolution of the working group. However, the CCP consulate doors were tightly shut, refusing to meet student representatives. The protesters’ statements were handed over by American police officers present. 2. More than twenty international students from the University of Maryland and Virginia Tech protested in front of the Chinese Embassy in Washington and submitted a joint statement. The difference was that this time, the Chinese Embassy treated the demonstrators very rationally, sending personnel to receive the statement. 3. In Chicago. Nearly three hundred mainland Chinese students protested in front of the Consulate General in Chicago, holding signs such as “Human Rights Are Innocent,” “Support the Student Movement,” and “China’s Only Way Out Is Democratic Reform of the Political System,” marching along Chicago’s avenues and distributing flyers along the way. Student representatives Ren Songlin and Li Sanyuan (both members of the Democratic League) were allowed to enter the CCP consulate. They handed the open letter from the “North American Branch of the Chinese Student Solidarity Union” to the Central Committee and statements from students from various schools to the consulate staff, and the two sides held talks for an hour. 4. In Los Angeles. More than twenty international students from Caltech, UCLA, and Claremont College went to the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to petition, submitting a statement from Caltech students and an open letter from UCLA Chinese Student Association to domestic students. The protesting students also requested to meet with the consulate’s consulate general, but were refused. Instead, they took out slogans and shouted slogans in front of the consulate, creating a scene of extreme anger.
April 29: The “1989 China Seminar” was held in the San Francisco Bay Area, attended by prominent dissenting intellectuals Liu Binyan, Wang Ruoshui, Wu Zuguang, Liu Zaifu, Bei Dao, and others. Upon learning that the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee had replaced Qin Benli as editor-in-chief of the World Economic Herald, they jointly issued a protest letter accusing the CCP and the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. The letter read: “Upon learning that the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee has decided to suspend Qin Benli, editor-in-chief of World Economic Herald, and to send a working group to the paper, we are greatly surprised.” The World Economic Herald is a serious newspaper full of enthusiasm for reform, always at the forefront of reform, playing an important role in advancing China’s modernization process, and enjoying a stellar reputation both domestically and internationally. Your unauthorized implementation of this measure violates the Constitution. We protest. ”
May 4th: Overseas support for the “1989 Democracy Movement” reached a new peak. 1. New York. More than 400 Chinese students and overseas Chinese gathered at the United Nations’ Hammarchau Square, then walked along Manhattan’s East Shore, 42nd Street, all the way to the Chinese Consulate. They held up signs and shouted slogans all the way. In front of the consulate, protesters were even more emotional, constantly calling on those inside the consulate who had been peeking in to watch, hoping they would come down and join the protests. After consulate staff refused to meet with demonstrators, they loudly read the protest letter. This demonstration attracted the attention of many Americans, and quite a few Americans actively participated. Many news media, TV stations, and radio stations sent reporters to conduct the entire process. This demonstration was organized by the organizing group for the “May Fourth Democratic March,” with active participation from the China Democratic League. 2. Philadelphia. More than a hundred international students, convened by the “University of Penn Chinese Mainland Students and Scholars Association,” held a demonstration supporting mainland students’ struggle for freedom and democracy. The association’s leader first read out the four-point joint statement issued by Penn, Temple, and Drexel on April 26, supporting the demands put forward by the students marching in Beijing, and calling on the Chinese Communist authorities to lift the press ban and grant the people basic democratic rights. He stated that China belongs to all its people, not to a small group that can dominate. Seventy years ago today, Chinese intellectuals launched the earth-shaking “May Fourth Movement” to fight for democracy and freedom. Yet seventy years later, we still use this as a rallying cry, which is truly a tragedy for the Chinese people. But seeing mainland students still striving in such a perilous environment shows that China still has hope and a future. 3. Boston. More than a hundred international students from Harvard University and MIT protested at the most crowded spots on campus. They held homemade bilingual signs, attracting the attention of many American students, and many American students also supported and participated in their actions. Afterwards, sixty or seventy more international students left campus and gathered at Kiran Square for a quiet sit-in. 4. Los Angeles. More than a dozen mainland Chinese nationals and international students held signs, chanting slogans such as “democracy,” “freedom,” “human rights,” and “Deng Xiaoping step down,” as they went to the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to protest. Wang Hongkai, a USC international student, announced on the spot his withdrawal from the Communist Party. The Chinese Consulate has blocked its doors, refuses to meet protesters, and refuses to accept protest letters. 5. San Francisco. The student associations of seven schools in the Jinshan Bay Area, including UC Berkeley, Stanford University, and Davis University of California, established the “Northern California Student Movement Support Group” on April 30. On May Fourth Day, more than fifty students gathered at Berkeley’s California Plaza to support Beijing university students and invited Chen Jun, who was forcibly departed by the CCP in early April, to give a speech. When they marched and protested with banners advocating for freedom of speech and press freedom, many Americans were present, and several TV stations across the country came to cover the event. 6. Houston. International students from cities such as Houston, Dallas, and Austin in Texas supported the mainland student movement through various forms such as demonstrations, gatherings, and forums. Dozens of international students from Rice University, Baylor College of Medicine, and University of Houston, together with overseas Chinese figures, carried two banners signed by over a thousand people supporting the student movement to protest at the CCP consulate. During the process, Zhou Zhijia also submitted a statement of withdrawal from the CCP to the consulate. He said, “I think the domestic movement demanding democracy is right. I don’t want to be a Communist anymore.” “7. Atlanta. More than a hundred international students from the University of Georgia held a demonstration on campus. This initiative was initiated by the “Chinese Returned Scholars Association,” composed of international students, who met with the mayor, who expressed admiration and appreciation for the spirit of the Chinese students. 8. Chicago. Under the moderation of the “China Student Autonomy Federation,” mainland Chinese students from the University of Illinois at Chicago held a symposium themed “Commemorating May Fourth and Advancing Democracy,” discussing the role of student movements in democratization.
May 8: According to computer statistics from Purdue University international students, it was announced that a two-week donation campaign had been launched to support students in Beijing universities for democracy and freedom, raising $30,000 and donating to more than thirty schools, with some donations sent by remittance or entrusted to Beijing.
May 18: 1. New York pro-democracy organizations and some international students visited Chinese community leaders, hoping to harness the strength of overseas Chinese and support the rapidly developing democracy movement on the mainland through fundraising efforts. Chinese and overseas Chinese groups responded enthusiastically and established the “Committee to Support the Chinese People’s Struggle for Freedom and Democracy,” quickly launching fundraising on the streets of Chinatown. The East China Journalists Association decided to set up a special account to accept donations or to safeguard donations from various groups, with a fair person overseeing the process, to ensure every penny is used for democracy in mainland China. 2. Two international students from UCLA returned to Beijing carrying a $5,000 donation, letters of support from the students, and opinions and suggestions on the student movement, to be delivered to the students at Tiananmen Square. More than a hundred international students went to the airport to see them off.
May 19: International students from across the United States gathered at designated locations to participate in a grand march.
May 20: The nationwide Chinese parade gathered in Washington, New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Houston, with an estimated number of over ten thousand demonstrators. In New York, nearly a thousand mainland Chinese students and overseas Chinese started from Chinatown and marched toward the Chinese Consulate in New York on 42nd Street. On this day, the donation box set up in Chinatown received generous donations from Chinese people, raising nearly ten thousand US dollars.
May 21: Chinese people around the world launch a simultaneous march. 1. Hong Kong. Hong Kong launched its largest march since the port was established, with nearly one million citizens participating. This march was originally organized by the China Democratic Promotion Association, but because the people came spontaneously, far exceeding their prior expectations, the association leader feared the march would become a “headless force” and sought help from the police. When the vanguard of the marching army arrived at Happy Valley Racecourse at 5 p.m., Lung Mei was still waiting at Chater Road in Central to set off. Along the way, crowds chanted slogans such as “Down with Li Peng,” “Step down with Li Peng,” “Oppose the repression,” “Withdraw the troops,” “Patriotism is innocent,” “Long live democracy,” and held banners like “Support passionate students, denounce the cold-blooded government,” and “The most dangerous moment for the Chinese nation has arrived; China urgently needs reform.” The scene was like a landslide and tsunami, a spectacular sight. 2. New York. Following the march on the 20th, and on the 21st, in coordination with global Chinese activism, students and overseas Chinese in New York held another demonstration, reaching a thousand people. The demonstrators gathered at the entrance of the Consulate General, continuously shouting “Deng Xiaoping step down,” “Li Peng step down,” “Yang Shangkun step down,” and “China wants democracy and freedom.” The Consulate General, which usually kept its doors tightly shut in response to such incidents, finally changed its attitude in the face of the densely packed, angry crowd. Three demonstrators, accompanied by police, entered the consulate. During the meeting, representatives from the Chinese consulate said that the consulate staff understood the students’ feelings, but some demands were too harsh, and they were only willing to forward the appeal letters sent by the representatives to higher authorities. 3. Japan. More than 5,000 Chinese people, mainly mainland Chinese students, held an unprecedented protest march in Tokyo’s Motoki Sana Park in the Kanto region. In the Kansai region, three hundred international students flocked to the Chinese Communist Party’s Osaka consulate to submit a protest. In Tokyo, more than 4,000 international students and Chinese people marched to the Chinese Embassy in Japan to protest Beijing’s martial law. There have also been student protests in places like Osaka and Nagoya. 4. Canada. Five to six hundred mainland Chinese students gathered at Robertson Square in Vancouver. They held signs, chanted slogans, and gave speeches, demanding that the Chinese Communist authorities stop violent repression of students and establish democratic and free systems. 5. France. Nearly a hundred mainland Chinese students held a demonstration near the Chinese Embassy in Tehegadehe. 6. Belgium. Over a hundred overseas Chinese and students from Belgium petitioned at the Chinese Embassy in the European Community, demanding the lifting of martial law, respect for public opinion, and the advancement of political and economic reforms. The Chinese Communist Ambassador agreed to forward the petition to the decision-making department. 7. Germany. Over a hundred international students and overseas Chinese protested in front of the Chinese Embassy in Bonn. 8. Sweden. About seventy mainland Chinese students submitted a petition to the Chinese Embassy. 9. Denmark. Thirty mainland students condemned the CCP in a petition submitted to the Chinese Embassy and demanded the lifting of martial law. 10. Five thousand mainland Chinese students from the UK protested in London, waving flags like “Long Live Freedom,” “Down with Dictatorship,” “Down with Elderly Politics,” and “Withdrawal of Troops from Beijing,” and submitted a petition to the Chinese Embassy. Australia. One hundred and fifty international students protested at the Chinese embassy to protest the CCP’s declaration of martial law in Beijing. Two student representatives held brief talks with embassy staff to express their dissatisfaction with the martial law. On the night of the 21st, all mainland students at Stanford University officially announced on the 19th their “two no’s” stance against the Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng regimes—”not recognizing” and “not cooperating”—and on the same day issued the following supplementary “urgent statements”: 1. Calling on all mainland students in the U.S. not to recognize the Deng Xiaoping–Li Peng administration and not to cooperate with it. 2. Calling on workers in mainland China, government agencies to launch a full general strike, and for the military and local governments not to recognize the Deng Xiaoping–Li Peng regime. 3. We urge the Bush administration and Congress to promptly clarify their support for the mainland’s democracy movement. If the Deng-Li administration acts unilaterally and brutally suppresses it, economic sanctions should be imposed by the Deng-Li administration. The “Two No’s” declaration by all mainland Chinese students at Stanford University received enthusiastic responses from students across the United States, with more than fifty universities including UC Berkeley, Harvard University, City University of New York, and Boston University signing a joint petition.
May 24: Seventy-six overseas university students jointly signed an open letter to the officers and soldiers of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, demanding: “The Chinese nation is at a critical moment of life and death. At this critical moment in history, I hope you will stand with the people and resolutely resist the dictators’ orders to suppress the people.” The “China Democratic League” immediately sent this letter to Voice of America and Taiwan, repeatedly broadcasting it to the mainland via radio.
May 25: The “China Democratic League” called on all overseas Chinese to send messages of support for the democracy movement back to the mainland. The Democratic Alliance pointed out: “Currently, the situation in mainland China is extremely severe. The struggle to determine victory is no longer measured by days, but by the hour.” They proposed the following actions: First, write a million letters; 2. Make a million calls; 3. Use all available tools for transmitting information, including fax, computers, etc., to deliver the latest information into the mainland; 4. The China Democratic Alliance has established the “Mainland China Democracy Movement Information Transmission Center,” operating 24/7.
May 26: The situation in Beijing grew increasingly tense. The Tiananmen Square command issued a call for help, calling on Chinese people nationwide and worldwide to demonstrate and surround the democratic front in Tiananmen Square. The China Democratic Alliance was the first to receive a distress fax from Beijing, which was immediately sent overnight to cities across the United States, branches and branches of the Democratic Alliance worldwide, as well as Hong Kong and Taiwan.
May 27th to 28th. Chinese people around the world once again took to the streets to protest against the CCP regime and support the Tiananmen warriors. Calculation: 500,000 people in Hong Kong. Taiwan has 8,000 people. San Francisco has 5,000 people. New York: 3,500 people. Chicago: 3,000 people. Washington had two thousand men. Los Angeles has 1,500 people. Houston had 500 men. Demonstrations have been held in Australia, Japan, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Sweden, and Denmark.
June 3rd to 4th: On the evening of June 3rd, news of the massacre came from Beijing. The entire Chinese community in America was in an uproar. That night, thousands of Chinese spontaneously rushed to the entrance of the New York Consulate General for a candlelight rally. Their angry shouts and mournful cries shook the heavens and earth, lasting until dawn.
June 6: The China Democratic League initiated a hunger strike by dozens of overseas students in front of the United Nations, led by Xue Wei, director of the Democratic League’s Supervisory Committee, demanding that the United Nations sanction the CCP’s atrocities. On the 8th, the governor and mayor of New York visited the hunger strike students and met with representatives of the “China Democratic League.”
June 9: Twenty thousand New Yorkers (including Americans) held a memorial service at the United Nations’ Hamassau Square. On the day, heavy rain poured down, and the mayor of New York City delivered a speech, saying: Even God wept for him. The mayor decided to name the square in front of the Chinese Consulate ‘Tiananmen Square’ and erect a replica of the Goddess of Democracy there.
June 5th to 10th: The “China Democratic Federation” issued three appeals and statements. (1) The “Urgent Appeal of the China Democratic League” states: “The China Democratic League issues a call to the whole country and the world: 1. All Chinese people with a conscience, unite…… He devoted himself fully to the decisive battle against the super-fascist regime of Deng, Yang, and Li. 2. Governments and peoples of all countries, the United Nations, and international organizations around the world resolutely condemn the heinous crimes of the Deng, Yang, and Li regimes, impose all possible sanctions on this extremely cruel and brutal regime, and provide moral and material aid to the Chinese people fighting fiercely. 3. Taiwan’s ruling and opposition parties should make their utmost efforts to support the mainland people’s struggle. 4. Overthrowing this evil autocratic system and establishing a truly free and democratic new system is an urgent task. All patriots at home and abroad, including those within the Chinese Communist Party, should immediately discuss forming a democratic coalition government. (2) Call for collective withdrawal from the Communist Party of China on July 1. The article pointed out: “The massacre in Beijing has torn apart the hearts of every kind-hearted person in the world!” …… This July 1st marks the 68th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. We call on all Communist Party members to collectively announce their resignation on this day. “(3) The China Democratic League expanded the recruitment of members. The article stated: “Starting today, we are preparing to publicly recruit members overseas. Chinese people who dare to stand with us, please join the China Democratic League.” After the three appeals and statements were issued, they received enthusiastic responses.
July 1: 304 Communist Party members in the U.S. announced their resignation. In their “Letter to All Members of the Communist Party of China,” they said: “Today is the anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, but the massacre on June 4 and the subsequent brutal political persecution have stripped this day of all luster. Therefore, we have decided to announce our collective withdrawal from the Party today to express our righteous indignation against China’s authoritarian regime.” At the same time, they also called for: “In the face of the severe reality of China’s current historical regression, all members of the Communist Party of China must put the future and destiny of the motherland first, bravely stand on the side of justice, and do their utmost to promote a democratized system and political pluralism in China.” The wave of resignations did not subside, continuing until October 1, 1989, when another 216 people in the United States announced their resignation.
Activities of the Democratic Alliance during the ’89 Democracy Movement (Part 2).
In the vigorous “1989 Democracy Movement” activities, what role did the China Democratic League play in mainland China? What kind of role did it play? In other words, how can we objectively and accurately evaluate the relationship between the ‘1989 Democracy Movement’ and the China Democratic Federation? Given the current situation in mainland China, it remains very difficult to provide a thorough and appropriate explanation.
But one thing is certain: “China Spring” and the China Democratic League, as political dissenting organizations, have allowed democratic ideas to spread widely among the people in mainland China. The vigorous rise of the ‘1989 Democratic Movement’ is inseparable from the long-term democratic enlightenment efforts carried out by the China Democratic Federation. Of course, in addition, the China Democratic League has also set up many branches and branches in mainland China. Within a certain scope, they have carried out some organizational operations within their capabilities, but due to political constraints, their influence is also limited. Therefore, in the “1989 Democratic Movement,” the role of the China Democratic League in terms of ideological form should far outweigh its organizational role. Even so, the CCP has never taken the activities of the China Democratic League lightly. Deng Xiaoping had addressed the issue of the “China Democratic League” several times. During the “1989 Democracy Movement,” Yang Shangkun, Qiao Shi, Li Ximing, and Chen Xitong repeatedly named the Federation. After June Fourth, the CCP published a book called “The Battlefield Without Gunpowder,” directly labeling the Alliance as the “black hand” of the “1989 Democracy Movement.” In its wanted and pursuit of key members of the “89 Democracy Movement,” they targeted those who had any connections with organizations or individuals of the Democratic League, such as Wang Juntao, Chen Ziming, Liu Xiaobo, The punishment is also the harshest.
The role of the China Democratic League and “China Spring” in enlightening the mainland Chinese in the democracy movement can be proven by the memories of many later pro-democracy activists who later fled overseas. Gao Xin, one of the so-called “Four Gentlemen,” who participated in the hunger strike at Tiananmen Square alongside Liu Xiaobo, Zhou Duo, and Hou Dejian, wrote in an article titled “My Relationship with the Chinese Spring”: He first learned about the American “China Spring” and its organization, the China Democratic League, in 1983. “I remember that at the time, it seemed to be a document from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, which mysteriously revealed that counterrevolutionaries from the mainland had already ‘pieced together’ a reactionary organization called ‘Chinese Spring’ in the United States.” The China Democratic Federation’ ‘manufactured’ a reactionary publication called ‘China Spring.’ The author said: “This Central Committee document states ‘to be delivered to the county and youth league level’…… This shows that although the Democratic Alliance and “China Spring” had a difficult time starting in the US, from the day they were founded, their value in the CCP was already a hundredfold. He also wrote: The first book he saw of “China’s Spring” was after the “1989 pro-democracy movement,” brought to him by Liu Xiaobo after returning from the United States. At the same time, he also obtained a book published overseas by Hu Ping, which surprisingly contained a card of Hu Ping’s identity card from Harvard University. “After the June Fourth crackdown, I was imprisoned. One of the things I worried about day and night was whether the book “China’s Spring,” which I had hidden at a friend’s house, would be retrieved. After his release, a friend took this book “China’s Spring” along with Hu Ping’s book “Returning the Jade to Zhao,” and Hu Ping’s identity card was actually included. ”
Another pro-democracy activist who participated in the “1989 Movement,” Wu Renhua, vividly recounted his experiences with “China Spring” during his time in mainland China. He said, “My earliest understanding of the Democratic League began with reading ‘China Spring,’ which is the same experience as many friends.” “China Spring” is a banner of the pro-democracy movement, and in a sense, its influence far exceeds that of the Democratic Alliance itself. Around the end of 1987 and the beginning of 1988, I received several copies of ‘China’s Spring’ from a friend in the non-institutional intellectual circle. Because they had circulated among friends for a long time, they were worn out quite severely. These intellectuals who circulated “Chinese Spring” later became important participants in the “1989 Democracy Movement.” The author also said: “After the June Fourth incident, I endured countless hardships to reach a certain overseas location. First, I tried to find a complete set of ‘China Spring,’ including the inaugural issue, and read it with great enthusiasm, tutoring on democracy courses to learn about the history of overseas democracy movements.” Afterwards, I contacted the local Democratic Alliance leader. “China Spring” was the first pro-democracy publication I read upon arriving overseas, while the China Democratic League was the first pro-democracy organization I encountered overseas. ”
Wu’er Kaixi, the student leader of the ’89 Democracy Movement, further said: Many students who participated in the ’89 Movement know about ‘China Spring.’ Whenever ‘China Spring’ is mentioned, they become excited and inspired.
Liu Xiaobo was an independent intellectual who had connections with the China Democratic League. In the early days of the ’89 Democracy Movement,’ while he was still in the United States, he co-authored ‘Reform Proposals’ and ‘Open Letters to Chinese University Students’ with Hu Ping, Yu Dahai, Chen Jun, and other members of the Democratic League. In his book ‘Monologues of Doomsday Survivors,’ he recalled: On the day he returned to the mainland from the United States, ‘My wife Tao Li excitedly told me about the ups and downs of those days, but on the other hand, she urged me not to get involved—just watch.’ Her reasoning was that the student disturbance was insignificant, and if I got involved, I would be accused by the authorities of being the mastermind behind the scenes, which would not benefit the student movement. She also said that someone revealed that because I signed the ‘Open Letter to Chinese College Students’ sent from the U.S., and it was written together with Hu Ping’s name, I have already attracted official attention, being labeled as a domestic agent of overseas reactionary forces, and at any time is at risk of being arrested. Sure enough, after he joined the torrent of the ‘1989 pro-democracy movement,’ he became the number one ‘black hand’ criticized by official CCP news media.
We can say without exaggeration that in mainland China, in the hearts of the people, a copy of “Chinese Spring” is their spiritual nourishment in their hunger, their torch in their chaos, and their rallying call in numbness. Of course, a copy of “China Spring” is also a terrifying flood for the CCP. Any slight misstep and discovery by the CCP will lead to endless persecution.
The China Democratic Alliance was also one of the earliest organizations to expose and condemn the CCP regime on the international political stage worldwide. From its inception, the China Democratic Alliance placed great emphasis on foreign affairs, such as connections with the Polish Solidarity Union, links with global human rights organizations, and lobbying with the parliaments and governments of the United States and other countries. During the “1989 Democracy Movement,” the foreign affairs activities of the China Democratic League were further strengthened, timely and timely delivering information about mainland China’s democracy movement to the international stage, enabling the world to more accurately understand the true “national conditions” of mainland China, recognize the essence of the CCP regime, and enhance support and sympathy for the mainland’s democratic movement.
In 1988, the China Solidarity International Committee, a peripheral organization of the China Democratic League, was established. The English abbreviation was China Solidarity Committee, led by key members Yu Cong and Zhang Zhuozhi, along with some non-Democratic League members. Their main work was dealing with Americans, with tasks including: First, collecting information on mainland China’s pro-democracy movement and facilitating communication between mainland China and overseas pro-democracy organizations. 2. Rescue mainland pro-democracy activists in distress. 3. Strengthen communication between Chinese pro-democracy organizations and activists and supporters in the United States and around the world, promoting global support for China’s democratic cause. 4. Maintain close contact with news media in the United States and around the world, so that the world can pay attention to the progress of China’s democratic cause. 5. Pressure the CCP authorities through various channels, forcing them to restrain or make concessions on human rights issues. 6. Promote the organization of 40,000 mainland Chinese students in the U.S. to effectively assist the domestic democratic movement. After its establishment, the organization did a lot of work, such as lobbying the U.S. Congress to pass a bill abolishing the two-year requirement for mainland Chinese students to apply for residency after returning home, and finally getting Congress to pass a law that automatically extended residence for mainland Chinese students. He assisted Fang Lizhi’s son, Fang Ke, in meeting with Congressmen Soladz, Monnihen, Reach, Helms, and Hamilton, and issued warnings to the U.S. Congress about Fang Lizhi’s security in mainland China and other issues. This organization has established contacts with more than twenty legislators, who frequently meet to exchange views on the situation in mainland China. During interactions with members of parliament, many mainland Chinese students also provided them with research findings and statistical data on mainland China. The organization also maintained good relations with the American press and frequently interacted with the media, especially during the “1989 Democracy Movement,” where information was exchanged and cooperation was very close. Many TV stations, such as CBS, NBC, ABC, C-SPAN, CNN, PBS, 9, 11, Voice of America, Time, The Washington Post, and The Baltimore Sun, have reported on the organization’s work.
After the June 4th incident, this organization printed some T-shirts featuring tanks from Tiananmen Square and portraits of Deng Xiaoping wanted by the American people to help Americans understand the CCP’s crimes, selling them on the streets or at rallies, which sold extremely well. On July 6, 1989, the American education community held a meeting in Washington, and the 200 T-shirts they brought were snapped up. Ruth Carx, President Bush’s main campaign donor, proposed offering them long-term free offices and toll-free phone numbers. A carpenter named Hargelov volunteered to carve a fourteen-foot-tall Eastern-style statue of Liberty, and Hargelov worked for six days and nights for this statue. During 1989 and U.S. Independence Day, this Eastern-style goddess of democracy also participated in a parade in Washington, becoming the most eye-catching event of the day. People cheered enthusiastically and rushed to take photos, with many walking miles behind the Statue of Liberty in tears. They all silently prayed, wishing that the Statue of Liberty in the East would one day stand tall on the land of mainland China.
In fact, similar work to the International Committee for Democracy and Unity of China is also carried out at the headquarters of the China Democratic Alliance and branches around the world. Especially the headquarters lobbying for parliament is frequent. During the “1989 Democracy Movement,” the people, governments, and parliaments of many countries around the world showed great sympathy and support for the democracy movement in mainland China, which is partly related to the successful lobbying and foreign affairs activities carried out by the China Democratic Federation.
1989 was the year with the most proposals from the U.S. Congress regarding China. On April 17, Benjamin Gilman proposed a proposal to “restrict the CCP’s arms exports to prevent the CCP’s repression of the Tibetan people.” On May 18, Jesse Helms proposed the case “Support the mainland democracy movement, demand the CCP respect human rights.” On May 23, Dick Anmey submitted three consecutive motions, urging the CCP to negotiate with pro-democracy activists and demanding the CCP lift martial law, concluding that if the CCP violently suppresses the pro-democracy movement, it would seriously damage U.S.-China relations. On May 24, Stephen Solarz proposed a bill calling for the CCP to peacefully treat pro-democracy activists and that violent suppression would seriously damage U.S.-China relations, which passed unanimously in the House. On June 6, the U.S. Congress proposed three more bills, including “expressing concern over high-tech exports to the CCP.” On June 8, Jesse Helms proposed a case advocating for comprehensive economic sanctions against the Chinese Communist Party. On June 13, Benjamin Gilman and three other lawmakers proposed three more proposals, including “banning the use of U.S.-made artificial satellites for Chinese rocket launches.” On June 15, John Porter introduced the “increase of Hong Kong immigration quota” bill. On June 19, Pete Wilson filed a case stating that Congress has recognized the CCP’s ongoing human rights abuses since the Tiananmen massacre. On June 20, Slade Gorton and others proposed “requesting the immigration authorities to grant permanent residency to mainland Chinese nationals who entered the U.S. before June 5 this year” and “requesting the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to oppose loans to the CCP.” On June 21, Nancy Pelosi and two other legislators proposed three proposals: “Mainland students granted J visas do not need to return to the mainland and can change their status and reside in the U.S. government.” On June 22, six members of parliament, including Richard Gephardt, consecutively proposed six proposals including “urging the CCP to stop executing pro-democracy activists” and “ending the CCP’s most-favored-nation trade treatment.” On June 23, Paul Simon and two other members of parliament proposed two more proposals, including “suspending the CCP’s most-favored-nation status in trade.” On June 28, Bruce Morrison proposed naming the park in front of the Chinese Embassy Tiananmen Square Park. On June 29, Dante Fascell proposed “multiple sanctions against the CCP, including halting arms sales, trade, and economic aid.” On July 11, George Mitchell’s comprehensive case on the China issue. On July 12, Slade Gorton proposed two proposals: “amending immigration laws to facilitate mainland visa holders in extending their stay.” On July 14, the “Senate version of House Amendment No. 2655” was proposed. On July 17, James Schener proposed the “Convenience for Mainland Chinese to Extend Their Residence” proposal. On July 19, Jesse Helms and others submitted seven proposals, including “demanding the CCP immediately lift martial law in Tibet and negotiate with the Dalai Lama to resolve the Tibet issue.” On July 20, Slade Gorton proposed two proposals: “Increase VOA’s annual budget from 36 million to 71 million to upgrade equipment and strengthen broadcasting to mainland China.” On July 21, Joe Barton proposed the “Facilitation of Mainland Chinese Changing Legal Residence Status” case. On July 26, Bill Emerson proposed the “initiation of civil organizations to raise funds to replicate the Tiananmen Goddess of Democracy statue in the U.S.” On September 20, Robert Kasten proposed the proposal to name the park in front of the Chinese embassy Tiananmen Square. On September 26, John Latake filed a case opposing loans to the CCP or providing technical assistance. On October 4, Benjamin Anderson proposed a bill to “block the CCP from joining the International Relations Association, stop lending to the CCP, and extend most-favored-nation treatment for one year.” On October 23, Glenn Anderson proposed the case stating that “any mainland Chinese returning to their home country who will face political persecution may legally stay temporarily to work and reside in the United States.” On October 26, Neal Smith proposed a bill to “ban U.S. artificial satellites manufactured and handed over to the CCP for launch.”
In just one year, the U.S. Congress submitted as many as fifty-three proposals regarding mainland China, an unprecedented measure in American history. It fully demonstrates the American people’s concern for mainland China and their sympathy and support for the democratic movement in mainland China. It also shows that, through the long-standing efforts of the China Democratic Alliance and other overseas pro-democracy organizations, as well as the vast Chinese community, the United States and many countries around the world have gradually recognized the true nature of the CCP regime and have intensified their condemnation and pressure against it. This is undoubtedly an important gain for the CCP’s democratic movement in mainland China. □