Rescue Yang Wei: warriors like Jing Ke
January 10, 1987, in Shanghai. Around 2 p.m., a short-statured young student wearing glasses hurriedly left home on a bicycle with a backpack. Before leaving, he left her mother with a message: He was returning books to the Fudan University library.
But unexpectedly, he never returned, mysteriously “disappearing.”
This young student is Yang Wei, a member of the China Democratic Federation.
He was arrested by the Shanghai Public Security Bureau, charged with joining what the CCP considered a “reactionary organization”—the “China Democratic League”—in the United States. During the December 1987 Shanghai student movement, he posted so-called “reactionary slogans” under the name of the “China Democratic League” (China Spring), provided materials to the headquarters of the “China Democratic League” in the United States, and was therefore considered by the CCP to have committed the crime of “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement.”
The news quickly reached the headquarters of the “China Democratic League,” which immediately held a special emergency meeting. They unanimously agreed that rescuing Yang Wei was the unshirkable responsibility of the “China Democratic Federation.” The “China Democratic Federation” must do everything possible to stop the CCP authorities’ persecution of Yang Wei and protect his personal safety. The “China Democratic League” believes there are two things they can do: First, quickly publicize the Yang Wei case, use the power of public opinion to expose the CCP’s crimes of law enforcement for personal gain and violations of human rights, while lobbying the U.S. government and Congress to exert international pressure on the CCP, preventing it from acting recklessly; 2. At the right moment, send people directly to break through, exposing Yang Wei’s wrongful case in the CCP court, defending him, and engaging in a head-to-head struggle against the CCP.
On February 4, 1987, Wang Bingzhang, chairman of the China Democratic Federation, arrived in Washington to lobby for Yang Wei’s rescue. Together with Huang Ben, Zong Jixiang, and others, he visited several parliamentary offices, explained the entire process of Yang Wei’s case, and pointed out that if the Chinese government handled Yang Wei’s case unreasonably, it would lead to serious consequences. Yang Wei was a mainland Chinese student studying in the United States, and if the CCP could punish Yang Wei on the grounds of ‘involvement in school movement,’ it could also use the same reason to punish other students. Especially this time, the student movement in mainland China has already triggered a signature campaign involving thousands of international students in the U.S. Lobbying alongside the “China Democratic League” was the “Sino-American Human Rights Association” led by Sif Furman. Dr. Snakeman and some related international students met with Congressional and State Department officials to exchange views on how to rescue Yang Wei. — Through this lobbying campaign, several members of Congress sent letters to the Chinese government or the Chinese embassy, inquiring about the details of the Yang Wei case. Chinese Ambassador to the United States Han Xu also responded to the lawmakers in a relatively timely manner. Subsequently, the U.S. State Department formally began negotiations with the Chinese government regarding the Yang Wei case through diplomatic channels.
Meanwhile, majornews organizations and newspapers in the United States began reporting on the Yang Wei case. With the help of news media, the case increasingly attracted attention from American political circles. In this context, two senators from the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Helms and DiConcini, submitted a bill to the Senate, urging the U.S. State Department to urge the CCP to release Yang Wei and extend the residency rights of mainland Chinese students. The proposal was put forward, but to pass, public support was essential. Senator Helms’s office contacted the China Democratic League, hoping the alliance would mobilize overseas students to launch a letter-writing campaign to support the proposal. The “China Democratic League” immediately made arrangements. On June 1, the federation’s headquarters arranged for some of the international students who had joined the federation to draft a letter addressed to international students across the country under the pretext of “a group of mainland students concerned about their interests,” and sent it through communication channels to Chinese mainland students scattered across the United States. In early June, Senator Helms received a large number of letters from students studying in mainland China. This letter-writing campaign by international students strongly advanced the debate on the bill in the U.S. Congress.
On September 17, the U.S. Senate held a “Human Rights Hearing on Mainland China” regarding the Yang Wei case and the extension of residence for international students. Che Shaoli, a member of the “China Democratic Federation” and Yang Wei’s wife, traveled from Texas to Washington to attend the meeting. At the hearing, Senator Hammers’ legislative assistant Treelight put up a large sign in Chinese reading “Release Yang Wei” at the front of the meeting, while another sign bore the names of Fang Lizhi, Wang Ruowang, and Liu Binyan in English. Amnesty International spoke at the meeting, stating that Yang Wei was a prisoner of conscience, and this testimony was very favorable for Congress to pass the Yang Wei case.
On October 3rd, on the eve of the parliament’s vote on the Yang Wei case, Wang Bingzhang, chairman of the China Democratic League, came to the Capitol Hill to conduct final lobbying efforts for the passage of the Yang Wei case. From October 6 to October 7, the “China Democratic League” organized a campaign through overseas students within the alliance to call senators to petition. During these two days, the phone from the senator’s office kept ringing. Whenever the secretaries picked up, they would hear the following voice: “We support the amendment regarding Yang Wei and other international students, and hope the legislators will vote in favor …….” On October 8, Helms and DiConcini’s proposal to “urge the U.S. State Department to urge the CCP to release Yang Wei” and extend the residency rights of mainland Chinese students ultimately passed by an overwhelming majority of 85 to 5, and was signed by President Reagan on December 22. This was a historic bill—the first time since the founding of the U.S. Congress that protected mainland Chinese students by passing a bill. It can be said that the issue of mainland Chinese students has already entered the legislative process of the U.S. Congress. This will have a series of impacts on the fate of mainland Chinese students and the future political direction of China.
To more effectively carry out the rescue efforts for Yang Wei, China Spring magazine launched a column titled “The Arrest Case of Yang Wei, a Student Studying in the U.S. and Its Response,” providing timely updates on developments in the Yang Wei case and global attention and efforts to rescue him.
Yang Wei’s arrest shocked mainland Chinese students the most. After media outlets reported on Yang Wei’s case, many mainland Chinese students at American universities discussed the matter. For example, the University of California, Berkeley, Iowa State University, University of Michigan, University of Houston, Harvard University, Columbia University, and Ohio State University all held discussion meetings. They worried not only about Yang Wei but also about their own futures, especially after saying things the CCP disliked in the US. Students who did things the CCP disliked felt even more uncertain, fearing something unexpected upon returning home. Some students had planned to go back, but upon hearing of Yang Wei’s arrest, they stayed in. Some people, disheartened, simply applied for political asylum from their host governments. The vast majority of international students believe that Yang Wei is for China’s democracy and freedom; not only is he innocent, but he is also a respected patriotic youth. At the same time, everyone agreed that regardless of what kind of law Yang Wei violated, he should be publicly tried, and family visits and interviews by Chinese and foreign journalists should be allowed.
On December 21, 1987, the day of the Yang Wei trial began, the head of the Shanghai Public Security Bureau responded to a Xinhua News Agency reporter’s question, stating for the first time the official views of the CCP regarding the “China Democratic Federation” and its sponsored publication “China Spring.” The article was published in the overseas edition of the People’s Daily on December 20, where the official stated: “The ‘China Democratic League’ is a reactionary organization hostile to and undermining China’s socialist system and aiming to overthrow the people’s government.” “China Spring” was a tool for the ‘China Democratic Federation’ to carry out reactionary propaganda aimed at overthrowing the people’s government. The official further said: “We do not allow the ‘China Democratic Federation’ to operate within China, nor allow ‘China Spring’ to be distributed within China.” All secret organizations established by the ‘China Democratic League’ within China were to be banned, and all ‘China Spring’ circulating within China were to be confiscated. …… If a person participates in the “China Democratic Federation” abroad and then returns to China to carry out infiltration and sabotage activities, violating criminal laws, they must be held criminally responsible according to law. ……. ”
Despite such a severe situation, many mainland Chinese students did not shrink from the overwhelming political pressure and continued to work tirelessly to rescue Yang Wei. In mid-December, nearly a hundred mainland Chinese students and visiting scholars signed an open letter titled “An Open Letter to General Secretary Zhao Ziyang of the CPC Central Committee on the Public Trial of Yang Wei Case by the Shanghai Intermediate People’s Court,” published in various Chinese-language American newspapers and China Spring. They put forward four demands to the CCP: “First, provide an explanation regarding the illegal postponement of trial by the Shanghai judicial authorities; 2. Allow Yang Wei and his family to freely choose their lawyers; 3. The trial of Yang Wei must be conducted publicly, and he should be given full rights to defense; 4. Allow overseas student representatives to attend audits and testify, and ensure their freedom to come and go. The “China Democratic Federation” also published an “Open Letter to the President of the Shanghai People’s Procuratorate Branch” in “China Spring,” stating: “1. According to Article 35 of the Constitution, Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of speech, communication, publication, assembly, association, parade, and demonstration.” According to Article 41 of the Constitution, Chinese citizens have the right to criticize and make suggestions to any state organ or state functionary. 2. Based on the civil rights granted by the above Constitution, the ‘China Democratic Federation’ and ‘China Spring’ are not illegal. 3. Nowadays, to designate the ‘China Democratic Federation’ as a ‘reactionary organization’ without trial and classification is a subjective identification lacking objective evidence and incompatible with legal procedures. 4. Yang Wei participated in the ‘China Democratic Federation’ and published articles in ‘China Spring,’ using subjective identification as one of the grounds for prosecution and conviction, which tends toward the presumption of guilt and does not align with the accepted rule of ‘presumption of innocence.’ 5. Yang Wei’s articles published in “China Spring” were rational, insightful, and constructive. The prosecution did not provide a full argument for the article but took it out of context, which is legally untenable. 6. Yang Wei sent overseas reports of the student movement he witnessed in Shanghai, submitted them to overseas newspapers, and reported on them. According to the constitution, he fully enjoyed this right. 7. During the student movement, Yang Wei posted slogans, big-character posters, and distributed flyers—actions that were constitutionally protected by citizens’ freedom of speech and publication. 8. Based on the facts listed above, it is proven that Yang Wei did not break the law and should be immediately declared not guilty and released.
Just as mainland students issued an open letter demanding an open, legal, and reasonable trial for Yang Wei, and planned to organize a delegation to Shanghai to observe the trial, and Yang Wei’s wife Che Shaoli also hired a lawyer to request to attend the courtroom, the CCP launched a surprise trial on December 21, causing all these plans to fall through. When the CCP tried Yang Wei, it was very unpresumptuous. Before the trial, the court only informed Yang Wei’s lawyer of the trial date, without informing his relatives, nor to his classmates, colleagues, or friends who cared about the trial. Many of the attendees who were supposed to attend did not show up, while the more than a hundred attendees were all pre-selected and arranged personnel. This is a “public trial” without public view; without transparency, there is no justice. Who can believe such a trial of rebellion is just?
Yang Wei was sentenced by the Shanghai Intermediate People’s Court to two years in prison and deprived of political rights for one year.
At that time, the “China Democratic League” did not know the exact date of Yang Wei’s trial, but they estimated it would be between mid-December and the end of December. The headquarters decided to send a representative to mainland China to attend Yang Wei’s trial. But who should you send? Obviously, it is inappropriate for someone with mainland Chinese identity to be assigned to Pai, as this carries great danger. It would be best to send alliance members with Taiwan or other country identities to make it difficult for the CCP to act. As stated in the editorial of issue 57 of “China Spring”: “The Democratic League has members of various identities; this is the political wealth it holds.” Different identities can play different roles. “After much research, they chose Qianda.
Qian Da is a 34-year-old Taiwanese man living in the United States, holding Taiwanese citizenship. He graduated from Chung Yuan Christian University in Taiwan and holds a master’s degree from the University of Arlington, Texas, USA. He is currently an engineer at a California power company. He is a member of the San Francisco branch of the China Democratic League. Quick-witted, decisive in action, and possessing a strong sense of justice. On December 18, Ke Lisi, vice chairman of the China Democratic Federation, called Qian Da to seek his opinion. At the time, Qian Da was burdened by many personal matters, his wife was pregnant, and they had a one-and-a-half-year-old son. Although he had a certain “safety margin,” he was facing a violent and unpredictable opponent, and the future of this trip remained uncertain. But out of passion for China and concern for Yang Wei, he barely hesitated and resolutely accepted the task assigned to him by the China Democratic League. That very afternoon, he bought a plane ticket to Shanghai and set off immediately. The other two members of the Democratic Alliance, Lin Xinsheng and Yang Yun, saw him off. Both felt heavy-hearted. When saying goodbye, Lin Xinsheng said to Yang Yun: ‘Brother Qian Da!’ You must be brave, determined, and composed. Take good care of yourself! The wind whistles and the Yi River is cold; may you leave early and return soon.
At 10 p.m. on December 19, Qian Da arrived in Shanghai. The next day was Sunday. The first thing he did upon waking was to visit Yang Wei’s parents and convey greetings to the two elderly people overseas. It was only then that he learned that the CCP would hold a trial for Yang Wei on Monday. The situation became urgent, and Qian Da rushed back to the hostel to urgently call the New York Civil Rights League headquarters, requesting urgent support. At the same time, he telegraphed the Washington headquarters correspondent stationed in Beijing, asking him to arrive in Shanghai the next day so that a press conference attended by foreign journalists could be held. At 7 a.m. on December 21, Qian Da was already waiting at the entrance of the Shanghai Intermediate People’s Court. It was only at eighty and thirty that court staff began to arrive for work. Qian Da distributed the “Open Letter from the China Democratic League to the Shanghai People’s Procuratorate Requesting the Innocent Release of Yang Wei” to passersby and observers outside the court. Shortly after, Qian Da entered the court, declared to the reception staff that he was a representative of the China Democratic League, presented a power of attorney from the Federation’s headquarters, and requested to enter the courtroom as an observer. The court staff were at a loss for a moment and led him into a room. At that moment, Qian Da saw more than ten empty seats in the hall. He asked to go in but was awkwardly refused by the bailiffs. In the courthouse corridor, Qian Da loudly called out to the onlookers, “Compatriots, I am a representative of the China Democratic League.” Now the court is trying a political prisoner, Yang Wei, who gave up the opportunity to study abroad and his future in China, returning to China to make a brave sacrifice. What is he for? It was all for a deep, profound love for China. …… But before Qian Da could finish speaking, he was forcibly dragged away. Soon after, he was sent to another small room upstairs, where court staff questioned him and gave a statement. At 1 p.m., five or six more people arrived, driving him to the Shanghai Public Security Bureau. Two police officers took turns questioning him. At 10 p.m., they received orders from above: “Immediately escort Qian Da out of the country.” Afterwards, two cars carrying more than ten police officers took Qian Da back to the hotel, where he packed his luggage and handled the paperwork. Twenty minutes later, they took him to the airport. There was no flight that night, so police took turns monitoring him all night. On the morning of the 22nd, he boarded a flight to Hong Kong, where Qian Da finally transferred back to San Francisco.
After Qian Da arrived at the Shanghai Intermediate People’s Court on December 21, he was unable to contact the “China Democratic League” until arriving in Hong Kong. The leaders at the headquarters of the Democratic League waited anxiously and anxiously by phone all night. At this time, another member of the “China Democratic Federation,” Liu Zisang, stepped forward and bravely went to Shanghai to rescue Qian Da. Liu Zisang is a Vietnamese Chinese refugee who was forced to move to France, holds French citizenship, and is currently studying at the University of Paris. Liu Zisang arrived in Shanghai on December 22, by which time Qian Da had already been escorted out of the country. Liu Zisang, representing the Democratic Federation headquarters, visited Yang Wei’s parents. When he learned that Qian Da had returned safely, he finally felt relieved. After completing some other tasks, he also left Shanghai and returned to the United States.
After Yang Wei was sentenced, the China Democratic League’s rescue activities did not stop. In June 1988, Amnesty International named it “Yang Wei Yue.” That same month, the “Rescue Yang Wei Action Committee” was established in New York, with Yang Wei’s wife, Che Shaoli, as the chief convener. In addition to mainland Chinese student organizations and the Democratic League, various overseas Chinese groups also joined, such as the Chinese Human Rights Association, Mainland New Immigrants Association, Chongguang Association, Political Asylum Association, Vietnam-Laos Chinese Organization, as well as Washington’s Glory Society, Engineering Society, Taiwan Fellow Townsmen Association, China-US Association, Three Principles of the People Alliance, and Student Federation. On June 5th, the “Rescue Yang Wei Action Committee” held a press conference, hosted by Ni Yuxian, a representative of the China Human Rights Association. On June 24, under the convening of the “Rescue Yang Weiyue Action Committee,” nearly two hundred people went to the Capitol in Washington to demonstrate. Members of the Democratic League who participated included: Hu Ping, chairman of the China Democratic League; Xue Wei, director of the Control Commission; Ding Chu, secretary-general; Wang Bingzhang, former chairman; Che Shaoli; Yang Huaian, Ren Songlin, Wu Fangcheng, Zhao Jing, Zhu Chunfu, Guo Cheng, Liu Xinhu, and others. They held up signs reading “Yang Wei is not guilty, release Yang Wei,” chanting slogans. Guo Cheng, the hero of China’s democracy marathon, spoke first. Then, a middle-aged man named Liu Xinhu, who had just come from mainland China, held a prison suit riddled with holes. The patched suit had covered its original color, weighed several pounds, and there was even a towel torn worse than a rag. Liu Xinhu said these were his father’s belongings from the CCP prison. His father was originally an official in charge of the national treasury in the Kuomintang government, but was later imprisoned by the Communist Party on charges of counter-revolution, and ultimately hanged himself in prison, unable to endure the torture. Liu Xinhu carefully collected these relics, along with blood letters and written evidence from fellow victims, and traveled to the United States, determined to denounce the CCP’s human rights abuses to the world. Liu Xinhu’s “living evidence” greatly stirred the crowd, pushing the protest to a climax. Immediately after, U.S. Senators Harms and Kilman gave speeches, saying: “Yang Wei may not be among us today, but he will not be forgotten. In this month named by Amnesty International, millions are simultaneously calling for his release.” Yang Wei was arrested, but his spirit inspired all the people of China. ”
While protesting at the Capitol in Washington, the Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Houston branches also held small-scale demonstrations and submitted protest letters to the Chinese Consulate.
A hero—Guo Cheng, who has run a marathon for democracy
In January 1987, amid the peak of the student movement in mainland China, Wang Bingzhang, chairman of the “China Democratic League,” gave a speech at the University of California, Berkeley. Among the attendees was a young man dressed in dirty work uniforms. He was of medium build, with thick eyebrows and big eyes, giving off a rugged and resolute impression. He listened intently to Wang Bingzhang’s speech, almost captivated, and when he spoke brilliantly, he couldn’t help but cheer in praise.
The next day, he found Wang Bingzhang and Zheng Weimin, who worked at headquarters, and told them, “After listening to your speech, I stayed up all night.” I have an idea: I am willing to run across the United States for China’s democracy movement, to every place where Chinese people live, to promote democracy, and to inspire the confidence and will of Chinese people at home and abroad to fight for democracy and freedom. Do you support me?
This person was Guo Cheng, a mainland Chinese international student.
At that time, Wang Bingzhang and the others were shocked and didn’t know how to respond.
Guo Cheng said, “Don’t worry, I’ve thought about this for a long time. I will keep my word.” I believe democracy is the bright future of the Chinese nation, so I will run forward with the passionate blood of the descendants of Yan and Huang flowing in my veins and the firm will of the Chinese nation to fight for democracy. I refuse to accept this pride; I want to prove to the world that Chinese people have backbone. So, if I encounter any unexpected events on the way, even if I have to climb, I have to reach my goal. If China’s democracy movement cannot win, one day I will announce a hunger strike and run until I die! ”
This resolute and resolute gaze, this resolute and powerful voice, deeply moved Wang Bingzhang and the headquarters staff.
The headquarters of the “China Democratic Federation” immediately began preparations for Guo Cheng’s Marathon of Chinese democracy.
On February 19, 1987, Guo Cheng held a press conference in Huafu, New York, officially announcing the decision to run the Guo Cheng Democracy Marathon. At the meeting, he called on overseas Chinese to support the mainland’s democratic movement, and to use the marathon to awaken the national spirit and sense of responsibility among overseas Chinese. On February 22, Guo Cheng issued an “Open Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council” and supported the “Letters No. 1 and No. 2” published by the “Mainland Democratic Movement Federation” (a subsidiary organization of the China Democratic Federation). The open letter stated: “To request an end to the purge of a large number of intellectuals such as Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan, and Wang Ruowang and to restore their reputation and positions, and to release Yang Wei, Lin Jie, and the captured students and workers, I have begun to hold my personal ‘Democracy Marathon Circum-America Running Movement’ to demonstrate my determination and will to seek democracy, freedom, and human rights for the Chinese nation, and to show the world that what other nations can do, the Chinese will also do.” On February 28, the New York overseas Chinese academic community held a symposium on Guo Cheng’s long-distance running. Moved by Guo Cheng’s enthusiasm and righteousness, participants generously donated and proposed the “one person, one dollar” initiative to establish a democracy fund, proactively beginning fundraising. On March 4th, at the Chinese Chamber in New York, a rally was held for the “Marathon for Democracy in Mainland China” rally, hosted by Ms. Yang Ailun, a well-known figure in the overseas Chinese community. Overseas Chinese leader and chairman of the Chinese Chamber, Mei Boqun, expressed support and wished Guo Cheng success in completing the marathon plan.
March 5th was a sunny and clear day. At exactly ten o’clock, Guo Cheng lit the torch symbolizing mainland democracy and freedom before the Statue of Liberty and began his marathon.
Guo Cheng’s long-distance running route starts in New York in the eastern United States, circles the American South, passing through Washington, Atlanta, Dallas, Houston, Los Angeles, and finishes in San Francisco in the west. The journey spans 3,000 li, crossing 44 states and 27 major cities, meeting over 2,000 people, and arriving on September 12, 1987, covering a total of six months and eight days.
“Three thousand miles under clouds and moon”—this arduous and extraordinary journey is not like Yue Fei’s foreign campaigns in the past, but represents a nation’s internal reflection. He was like Xuanzang, a foreign scholar a thousand years ago. Xuanzang pioneered the realm of religious thought for China, while Guo Cheng was there to promote democratic thought in China. As one Chinese scholar commented, “Guo Cheng, with his own flesh and blood, endured torture that others could not tolerate, wholeheartedly seeking to awaken democracy in China.” Guo Cheng carried the classic democracy of this era, firmly believing that every painful step forward brought hope for China’s democracy. (See Gao Zimin, Issue 53 of ‘Spring in China’, ‘Guo Cheng’s Runway’
).The
long-distance running team basically consisted of three people: one drove to follow Guo Cheng to ensure safety, food, and rest, while another mobilized overseas Chinese scholars in the city ahead to hold meetings for democratic publicity and fundraising.
Guo Cheng’s long-distance running not only caused a strong reaction among Chinese Americans but also shocked American society. Within just a few days, the “China Democratic League” received nearly hundreds of enthusiastic letters praising Guo Cheng as the pride of the Chinese nation and a hero of the democratic movement. Huang Ben, a member of the Democratic League who owns five restaurants, not only donated 1,000 yuan for the long-distance running but also donated cars, video recorders, and other items. Overseas Chinese leader and president of the Northeast Fellow Townsmen Association, Xu Songlin, drove ten li to welcome Guo Cheng, hosted a banquet for the long-distance running team, and encouraged him. Zheng Wenjie (a member of the Democratic League), Lin Zongru, Zhou Hanchang from Rogester University, and others rushed overnight to make vests and banners printed with “Mar for Democracy,” and organized a running team of more than ten people, including American professors. Among them, Zheng Wenjie and Chen Xin even accompanied Guo Cheng for two days. On March 7th, the long-distance running team’s car broke down and couldn’t be fixed immediately. Li Xin, an international student who had just left the mainland for less than half a year, provided his own car to the team and volunteered as a driver. When Guo Cheng arrived in Washington, he was warmly welcomed and received by Li Junqi, chairman of the Chinese Guild in the US. To more effectively support Guo Cheng, Chinese communities across the country have established the “Guo Cheng Cheer Club,” led by Zheng Wenjie. He stated, “The ‘Guo Cheng Cheer Club’ aims to serve Guo Cheng long-distance running, provide Guo Cheng with lists and contact addresses of members of Congress, produce short-sleeved sweatshirts printed with RUN ACROSS AMERICAN and FOR DEMOCRACY IN CHINA, and raise funds for the long-distance running.” When Guo Cheng arrived in Houston, he was warmly received by Xu Huazhang and other overseas Chinese figures, and a symposium was held. The fundraising at the meeting set a new record, totaling 2,340 yuan. In Dallas, Guo Cheng held a discussion arranged by Gu Zuhua, Mou Chenghua, and other overseas Chinese figures. Dr. Zhou Xiaoru also provided Guo Cheng with free consultations, checked leg and back strains, and before leaving, donated a pair of high-quality sneakers worth $100 to wish him success in his long-distance run. When Guo Cheng arrived in Oklahoma City, this small town with few Chinese residents was greeted by over a hundred people. When the Chinese community in Los Angeles learned that Guo Cheng was about to arrive, the Chinese Association held a grand ceremony, with two motorcycles leading the way, holding banners reading “For Democracy, Freedom Marathon,” accompanied by more than a dozen Chinese community members running alongside Guo Cheng. The scene was lively and moving. Guo Cheng was also interviewed by the “Voice of China” radio station. When he spoke about his father’s family history of being persecuted by the Communist Party in mainland China, a woman called in for an “air chat,” but after only a few words, she broke down in tears, because Guo Cheng’s story also reminded her of her own experiences. After enduring countless hardships, Guo Cheng finally reached the finish line of this democratic marathon—San Francisco. On this day, San Francisco was as lively as a festival. In this city with a large overseas Chinese community, the “Golden Gate Bridge Welcomes the Outer City” event was held. Around 1 p.m., Guo Cheng arrived at the Golden Gate Bridge. He was still wearing the red sweatshirt that had accompanied him for over three thousand li, but after six months of wind and sun, it had faded and no longer had its original bright red. A group of hundreds of overseas Chinese accompanyed him for over 3,000 li, including men and women, old and young. The most touching was a 63-year-old woman who also joined the running team. After Guo Cheng arrived at the welcome venue, Che Shaoli was giving a speech titled “Legal Governance in Mainland China from the Yang Wei Case.” Afterwards, Mr. Gao Zimin (written speech), Guo Cheng, Professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley and Director of the Institute of International Affairs DR. JAMES GREGOR, and Wang Bingzhang all gave speeches. Wang Bingzhang said: Now, China’s culture and national lifeline are facing an extremely serious crisis, namely that the Chinese nation has lost its national soul. We do not worship heroes, but we must carry forward the spirit of heroes. Only by universally awakening the national spirit in the hearts of Chinese people at home and abroad can we save the entire Chinese culture from disaster.
In addition to inspiring the democratic enthusiasm of overseas Chinese, Guo Cheng’s long-distance running also helped the American people and politicians gain a deeper understanding of the political essence of mainland Chinese society, earning him enthusiastic praise and support. In Guo Cheng’s inscription titled “Dreams Written with Eyes,” many touching stories are recounted: On April 13th, during a long run, he met a plump American woman and a young woman. They asked him, “Are you running for China’s democracy?” I saw the words on your backpack. Guo Cheng replied, “My destination is San Francisco.” They opened their eyes in surprise and said, “Oh, I can hardly believe it, the road is too difficult, the road too long.” You need to be careful. I’ve heard there are many mentally unstable people in the south. Guo Cheng gave a bitter smile and calmly said, “I’m a madman too, crazy for my China!” In his diary dated April 14th, he recorded an incident: while dining at a restaurant, three elderly men sat diagonally across from him. When they heard Guo Cheng was running for China’s democracy, they were both excited and surprised, and came over to shake his hand. After they left, the waitress came over and said to Guo Cheng, “You don’t need to pay for your meal. Those elders have already paid for you.” On April 16th, the early spring rain mixed with cold winds blew all day long. Guo Cheng struggled to walk with luggage, a tent, and a Shaolin stick in his hand. The seven-hour trek left him utterly exhausted, his legs feeling as if they weighed a thousand pounds. Passersby looked at him with amazement, and a few kind Americans stopped in front of him and volunteered to give him a ride. But Guo Cheng politely declined them all. When Guo Cheng talked to them about the purpose of his long-distance run, these Americans all praised him and expressed hope that mainland China would soon be liberated from the Communist Party’s autocracy and move toward freedom and democracy. Along the way, Guo Cheng was received by many American political figures. For example, upon arriving in Louisiana, a member of the Louisiana congressman was deeply moved by Guo Cheng’s story, personally accompanied him on a tour of the state capitol, and introduced Guo Cheng to the House Convention. In Austin, he met with Senator ARMBRISTER KEN and was interviewed by a local radio station. In Dallas, Guo Cheng was commended by Deputy Mayor JOHN EVANS at city government and awarded him an honorary citizen certificate and an honorary medal. The largest English-language newspaper, the Dallas Morning Post, published a major report on this. In Oklahoma, the largest newspaper, THE DAILY AROMOREITE, published a massive photo of Guo Cheng traveling along the city’s Highway 77. The mayor of Monterey, Los Angeles, also personally received him and presented him with an honorary certificate and city key.
Of course, Guo Cheng’s long-distance campaign for Chinese democracy also stirred up hatred and panic within the CCP. On March 23, Guo Cheng, who had just arrived in Washington from Maryland, ignored fatigue and, together with Xue Wei, Zheng Weimin, and Li Xin, accompanied by Li Junqi, chairman of the local Chinese Guild Hall, went to the Chinese embassy to deliver an “open letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council.” The embassy staff refused to accept the letter, cursed loudly, and threatened to call the police. In the end, Guo Cheng had no choice but to post the letter on the door and leave angrily. On July 6, Guo Cheng went to the Houston Consulate General to deliver a letter addressed to embassy staff, but was also treated very unkindly. At first, the education consul Luo Fuquan tried to talk with him, but faced with Guo Cheng’s righteous words, he was at a loss for words several times, and in the end, he could only keep sending him out. Before leaving, Guo Cheng placed the letter on the table, but Luo Fuquan threw it out of the consulate. On September 4, the Chinese Consulate General in San Francisco issued a written statement regarding the Guocheng democratic long-distance run. Consulate spokesperson Wang Shaohua said the Guocheng long-distance run was an anti-China farce, so first, regarding Guocheng’s petition to the Consulate General, the consulate decided not to receive him; 2. The rumors that the CCP might confiscate Guo Cheng’s passport are unfounded, and the consulate general would not do such a thing; 3. Guo Cheng’s long-distance running has always been manipulated by behind-the-scenes figures. On September 9, Guo Cheng wrote an “Open Letter to the Consul General on the Statement of the CCP Consul General in San Francisco,” saying: “First, the marathon for democracy in mainland China is by no means ‘anti-China’; second, the democracy marathon is not a ‘farce’; anyone can express their pursuits and dreams in any way.” You should learn to respect others, even your political enemies; 3. The Democratic Marathon is a form of petition-style protest initiated by me personally, not under the ‘direction’ of those with ‘ulterior motives.’ However, from the beginning until now, I have publicly expressed acceptance of support and assistance from all parties, supporting and accepting sponsorship from the perspective of a Chinese person to a Chinese person. (See Issue 55 of ‘China Spring’) It is easy to imagine that the San Francisco Consulate General also rejected Guo Cheng’s open letter with a rough attitude.
Guo Cheng’s long-distance running was tough. Guo Cheng had not received long-distance running training, nor was he an athlete. Shortly after the run started, before reaching Washington, he injured his leg muscles and ligaments, but with remarkable perseverance and enduring the pain, he managed to run 400 kilometers to reach Washington. At this point, his leg injury was so severe that even walking a single step hurt so much he grimaced in pain, forcing him to rest in Washington for several days. During this period, the long-distance running team faced much more difficulties than expected. The leg injury slowed down the running speed and lengthened the time, increased the cost of food and lodging, and his car broke down, making it impossible to afford a new one. Faced with these problems, he could no longer sustain himself. But Guo Cheng did not lose heart. He said, “Don’t worry, if you don’t go with me, I can do it. As I always say, even if I have to climb, I will climb to San Francisco.” He rested his leg for a bit, then set off alone. Guo Cheng was a long-distance runner holding a Shaolin staff for self-defense or dog protection, carrying nearly fifty pounds of luggage on his back. When the running team reluctantly saw him off again and again, at parting, he finally couldn’t hold back his tears. But this strong man smiled cheerfully, took big strides, and walked straight ahead without looking back. In his diary on April 11, he wrote: “Today I must leave alone, for the democracy of mainland China, no matter how great the difficulties, I will accomplish it.” In his later diary, he repeatedly recounted the hardships and obstacles along the way. He said: “The road is long, the sky is scorching hot, people are lonely, but dreams are beautiful.” Trekking through wind and rain was extremely arduous, but for a person with faith, it felt so poetic. He wrote: “The eastern United States is truly blessed with nature.” The spring rain is so abundant, everywhere lush green—it’s truly enviable…… I listen intently to the birdsong in the trees in the forest, like music coming from the air—is it the tremolo of the violin’s high strings? The flute’s pleasant and fresh sound? The resonant, subtle, deep resonance of the black pipe? ……”
For such a chivalrous and tender-hearted hero, what could possibly challenge him?
Guo Cheng finally reached his destination for his long-distance run. As Wang Bingzhang pointed out in his article “The Guocheng Spirit—The Soul of China’s Nation”: “Guocheng is just an ordinary overseas student, but he is a hero.” Because Guo Cheng’s heroic deeds represented a spirit—the national soul that our Chinese nation needs. ”
Guo Cheng truly deserves it.
Guo Cheng is a tough guy. After completing this long-distance run, he organized a “June 4th” global cycling team with Wang Hong, Zhang Yilin, Deng Weiqiang, and Wang Zijian, and on September 20, 1989, the “June 4th” Cycling Team. The “Four” Martyrs’ Hundred-Day Memorial began from New York, headed north to Boston, then south to Washington—Atlanta—Birmingham—Dallas—Houston—Austin, arriving in Los Angeles on December 12, covering over 2,700 miles. This long bicycle trek was extremely harsh because it was already winter, with temperatures often reaching 30 to 40 degrees Fahrenheit. The wind shifted to northwesterly, and driving against the wind reduced speed by more than half. Combined with the mountain barrier, many difficulties increased, but they completed the entire journey with tenacious perseverance and enthusiasm. Guo Cheng had been injured during the last long-distance run and had been taking care of logistics for the bicycle team. Along the way, the convoy members promoted democracy to overseas Chinese, explained the CCP’s massacre during the June Fourth Movement, and awakened the public’s sense of national salvation. Just like the last Guocheng long-distance run, they were warmly welcomed and supported by both overseas Chinese and Americans.